Changing the expectations of those with mental illness

 

 

It is important to ask the question, do we BELIEVE that the person we are working with can live a productive life?  At times it can be hard to do so.  The amount of trauma some individuals have faced in their lives, along with illnesses once thought to be disabling, add to the thoughts of some that maybe, just maybe, the best this person can do is stay out of the hospital.

 

The thought process connected to this must change in order to best serve the patient.  As a Peer Support Specialist, I go into it with the memories of the once overwhelming and nearly incapacitating effects of Bipolar Disorder I and PTSD.  I remember the long road and struggle to get well after diagnoses.  The bouncing back and forth from stable to symptomatic was frustrating until I found the right combination of medication. I also look at my life now and know that I can live a productive life.  If I can, why can’t other patients in this hospital?

 

A “productive” life can look differently to every individual.  Productive to some might mean volunteering; to others the word might mean staying sober.  Others may return to work and pursue a career like Kay Redfield Jamison, a well-known psychologist and author who writes about her own journey with Bipolar Disorder.  My victory was getting my degree and returning to employment.  I’m not cured by any means.  I still must work at it, as I tell the patients (peers) with whom I speak.  I go to my psychiatrist, my therapist, I watch my sleep patterns, and I try to manage my stress levels.

 

To some the goal may be to simply stay out of the hospital, but we must believe they can achieve beyond that.  Rebuilding their self-image and instilling hope may help make them realize that there IS life after diagnoses.  Others have done it successfully. A mental illness can become a small part of a person’s life.

 

Rebecca Coursey, KPS

Peer Support Specialist

 

Article Review: Group CBT for Psychosis

 

 

Cognitive Behavior Therapy for Psychosis (CBTp) is considered an effective intervention that is recommended for the treatment of schizophrenia (American Psychological Association, 2004). With that said, offering treatment during an acute episode, while in an inpatient facility proves challenging. Even still, group intervention for psychosis has shown to increase outreach and streamline treatment (Owen et al., 2015).

 

Though there is support for group CBTp, evidence is not definitive.  More specifically, the literature indicates mixed results in the effectiveness of group CBTp as compared to other interventions (i.e., social skills training, psychoeducation). Consequently, due to no clear heterogeneity within CBTp models or use of outcome measures, it is difficult to compare results across studies.  Furthermore, other limitations emerge when attempting a controlled trial in an inpatient setting.  For example, the timing of interventions (individuals are typically in a crisis), uncertainty of the length of stay, and typical medication changes upon admission are noteworthy concerns (Owen et al., 2015).

 

While considering the limitations, research shows positive findings for group CBTp through improvement in one’s wellbeing and reduced readmission rates (Svensson, Hansson, & Nyman, 2000; as cited in Owen et al., 2015).  Furthermore, these positive result are aligned with a recovery model, in that gains are not signified through the reduction of psychotic symptoms, but are more so related to the functional gains made by the individual (e.g., increased confidence, understanding, and improved quality of life; Owen et al., 2014). As noted by Owen et al. (2015), improvements related to recovery are influential in determining discharge; in other words, the ability to cope effectively may be more important than a reduction in symptoms (Owen et al., 2015).

 

Consistent with a recovery model, Owen et al. (2015) created a quasi-experimental design to assess the effects of CBTp within an inpatient setting. The program attempted to balance the reduction of symptoms and the empowerment of individuals by increasing control and understanding of experiences.  Thus, they hypothesized that participants receiving group CBTp would show reductions in distress, improvements in confidence about their mental health, and a reduction in positive symptoms of psychosis compared to Treatment as Usual (TAU).

 

Briefly, Owen et al. (2015) compared two groups of participants from acute inpatient units, one group received a four-week group on CBTp and the other group received TAU.  There were 113 participants (80 men, 33 women) between the ages of 19 and 66, with the majority classified as “White British,” and from an impoverished geographic area.  Participants included individuals experiencing psychotic symptoms (e.g., hallucinations, delusions, paranoia). Groups were conducted for 1.5 hours, over four consecutive weeks.  CBTp groups were co-facilitated by a clinical psychologist, a “service user,” a person with personal experience of psychosis and recovery, and unit staff.  Groups consisted of no more than eight participants and were closed.  They collected data over three periods:  at baseline, post-intervention, and a one-month follow-up.  Individuals discharged during the group were invited back to attend, and if discharged before the one-month follow-up, they were sent the measures for data collection.

 

The group intervention was based on Clarke and Pragnell’s (2008) inpatient group CBTp program.  The program consisted of four sessions with different topics, handouts, and homework (Owen et al., 2015).  Session one focused on group rules, psychoeducation of psychotic experiences, normalization, and monitoring skills.  Session two addressed the understanding of experiences within a CBT model. Specifically, session two introduced the use of a continuum for shared and personal experiences as related to symptom monitoring, worked on the identification of triggers, and discussed how the interpretation of events influence emotions and behaviors.   Session three focused on coping skills, differences in distractions and focusing, and introduced mindfulness and breathing.  Finally, session four explored how to make sense of experiences, introduced the stress-vulnerability model, and understanding psychosis.

 

Findings indicated encouraging results regarding the effects of group CBTp.  First, participants in the CBTp group showed greater reductions in distress at follow-up.  Though this finding was not consistent overall, the results remain consistent with a recovery model.  For individuals in the CBTp group, confidence improved from baseline to post-intervention, and at follow-up.  The author’s noted that insufficient data were collected to measure reduction in positive symptoms, but data indicated a trend, in that individuals in the CBTp group showed a decrease in symptoms overtime (Owen et al., 2015).

Qualitative analyses conducted by Owen et al. (2015) further indicated positive gains from the CBTp group.  Many participants reported feeling more positive, confident, and hopeful about the future.  They reported increased coping strategies and acknowledgment that the group helped some understand their experiences differently.  Again, such results are consistent with a recovery model for psychosis, in that the CBTp group demonstrated an increase in confidence more so than a mere reduction in symptoms (Owen et al., 2015).  In essence, the group members were learning how to “cope with, and accept, difficult and frightening experiences, rather than attempting to reduce their occurrence” (Owen et al., 2015, p. 83).

 

Further analyses indicate a positive correlation for this sample between distress and type of admission, noting that individuals first admitted voluntarily, and later adjusted to involuntary status showed the most distress (Owen et al., 2015).  Though distress can decrease over time, regardless of intervention, the findings indicate that group intervention during the crisis period helped some maintain improvement in distress after the crisis subsided and possibly during discharge (Owen et al., 2015).

 

Limitations of a high drop-out rate (62.8%), inability to randomize participants into groups, and unit staff noted to be more interested in helping with the CBTp group than TAU may have mitigated the results of the study (Owen et al., 2015).  Furthermore, the authors acknowledged that due to the limitations in design and high attrition rates, the findings should be considered interesting and not definitive (Owen et al., 2015).  Overall, Owen et al.’s (2015) results indicate that CBTp may decrease distress and enhance confidence for individuals suffering from psychosis.  They note that the intervention used was feasible, acceptable, as well as, valued by the participating staff.

 

Though limited by design due to constraints of an inpatient facility (e.g., discharge, acute/crisis presentation, medication changes) the results indicate group CBTp to be consistent with a recovery model and particularly focused on hope, normalization, and overall improvement in quality of life.

 

References
American Psychological Association. (2004). Practice Guidelines for the Treatment of Patients with Schizophrenia (2nd ed.). Retrieved from http://psychiatryonline.org/guidelines

 

Clarke, I., & Pragnell, K. (2008). The Woodhaven ‘What is real and what is not?’ group programme: A psychosis group in four sessions for an impatient unit.  Retrieved from http://www.isabelclarke.org/psychology/index.htm#CBT

 

Owen, M., Sellwood, W., Kan, S., Murray, J., & Sarsam, M. (2015). Group CBT for psychosis: A longitudinal controlled trial with inpatients. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 65, 76-85. doi: 10.1016/j.brat.2014.12.008

 

Dannie S. Harris, M.A., M.A., M.A.Ed., Ed.S.
WKPIC Practicum Trainee

Friday Factoids: Cambodians Have No Word for Depression

Mental health issues are a part of our existence and are experienced globally. The descriptions, terms, and phrases used to communicate these experiences are influenced by culture and often altered by the process of translation.

 

For example, Haitians who are feeling anxious or depressed may use the phrase reflechi twop, which means “thinking too much.” In the Cambodian Khmer language, there is not a direct translation for depression, so someone suffering from depression may instead say thelea tdeuk ceut, which literally means “the water in my heart has fallen.”

 

The World Health Organization has made global access to mental healthcare one of its key goals. As these services become more widely available and embraced by different cultures, providers should become increasingly mindful of cultural nuances that can color the ways in which people approach and respond to treatment.

 

Reference
Singh, M. (2015). Why Cambodians Never Get Depressed.

 

Graham Martin, MA
WKPIC Doctoral Intern

 

Friday Factoids: Common Myths about Panic Attacks

 

 

Panic attacks are often described as a sudden fear of dying, going crazy, with an on slot of somatic experiences (e.g., palpitations, sweating, shaking, chest pains, dizziness, paresthesias, etc.).  Panic attacks in isolation have a high prevalence in society and result in significant impairment (Kessler et al.,  2006).  Though not considered a mental disorder, according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, Fifth Edition (DSM-5), panic attacks can occur with any anxiety disorder or other mental disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).  However, as noted by psychologist Ricks Warren of the University of Michigan there are several myths associated with the experience of panic attacks (Holmes, 2015).

 

Warren indicates many believe that panic attacks are merely an overreaction to stress.  The experience of a panic attack far surpasses being too worried or high strung, instead in the course of a panic attack, one’s fight or flight response is triggered.  Individuals feel they are in danger and must avoid the trigger.  Others believe that individuals can pass out from a panic attack.  Actually, as Warren notes, during a panic attack an individual’s blood pressure actually increases, which is counter to the experience of fainting, where there is a dip in blood pressure.  Yet, other physical symptoms are experienced and often individuals feel they may be experiencing a heart attack.   Some believe panic attacks are the same as anxiety.  In fact they are distinct, while anxiety is considered an overarching term concerning worry, panic attacks are considered episodes.  Consequently, one can develop worry about having a panic attack, which alludes to the development of panic disorder.

 

Warren also highlights misconceptions that some believe panic is a lifelong problem and that it is difficult to relate to someone with panic attacks.  Actually, pharmacological and therapeutic interventions have shown to be effective, and through empathy and compassion one can offer support to those who suffer from panic attacks.  Finally, it is common to hear people advise taking deep breaths to calm panic or even to avoid what causes the panic attacks.  First, deep breaths often incite a hyperventilation state, which exacerbates symptoms of dizziness and numbness; instead, taking shallow breaths has shown to be effective.  Furthermore, the act of avoidance leads to living a restrictive life.  Instead, it is important to understand that engaging in such safety behaviors reinforces fear; yet, working through these fears alongside a professional can demonstrate how one can overcome them as well as subsequent panic attacks.

 

References
American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (5th ed.). Washington, DC: Author.

 

Holmes, L. (2015). 9 panic attack myths we need to stop believing. Retrieved from
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/01/29/panic-attack-myths_n_6509750.html

 

Kessler, R. C., Chiu, W. T., Jin, R., Ruscio, A. M., Shear, K., & Walters, E. E. (2006).

 

The epidemiology of panic attacks, panic disorder, and agoraphobia in the National Comorbidity Survey Replication. Archives of General Psychiatry, 63(4), 415–424. doi:10.1001/archpsyc.63.4.415

 

Dannie Harris, M.A., M.A., M.A.Ed., Ed.S.,
WKPIC Practicum Trainee

 

 

 

 

Friday Factoid: Self-Affirmation Can Affect Brain Function

 

 

The practice of self-affirmation or statements that reflect on one’s core values and beliefs has recently shown to impact how our brain accepts medical advice that is difficult to hear (Simple interventions, 2015).

 

Researchers at the University of Pennsylvania’s Annenberg School for Communication, alongside researchers at the University of Michigan and the University of California Los Angeles, have examined activity in the ventromedial prefrontal cortex (VMPFC) on a sample of 67 sedentary adults as they were given typical medical advice.  The experimental design consisted of participants wearing devices on their wrists to measure activity levels for one week before and one month after receiving feedback of brain activity in the VMPFC.  During the monitoring period, all participants were sent text messages related to health risks and activity levels (e.g., “According to the American Heart Associations, people at your level of physical inactivity are at much higher risk for developing heart disease”).  The experimental group, in addition to receiving the overall health message, was also sent self-affirmation messages.  Results indicate that when self-affirmations were paired with health messages there was an increase in activity in the VMPFC and participants were more likely to follow the advice given.

 

In theory, the use of self-affirmation helps one reflect on core values, and when people are affirmed, their brains process information differently (Simple interventions, 2015).  Thus, self-affirmation allows one to receive threatening messages as more valuable and personally relevant.  Furthermore, the VMPFC is an area of the brain that increases activity when individuals think about themselves and when values are ascribed to ideas (Simple interventions, 2015).  It is noted that activity in the VMPFC during the reception of a health message can predict behavior change better than one’s own intentions of changing (Simple interventions, 2015).  These findings suggest that self-affirmations facilitate change by altering how our brain responds to messages that are counter to our current behaviors.

 

As a result, it is fitting to quote the character Stuart Smalley from Saturday Night Live, “I’m good enough, I’m smart enough, and dog-gone-it, people like me.”

 

References

Simple interventions can make your brain more receptive to health advice. Retrieved from (2015, February 2).

 

To review original article:

Falk, E. B., O’donnell, M. B., Cascio, C. N., Tinney, F., Kang, Y,…Strecher, V. J. (2015). Self-affirmation alters the brain’s response to health messages and subsequent behavior change. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, in press. Epub ahead of print retrieved from http://www.pnas.org/content/early/2015/01/29/1500247112.short?rss=1

 

Dannie Harris, M.A., M.A., M.A.Ed., Ed.S.,
WKPIC Practicum Trainee