Friday Factoids Catch-Up: Bilingualism, Biculturalism and Personality

There is plenty of research dedicated to the topics of bilingualism and biculturalism, but they may often be lumped together and defined as one in the same. Grosjean (2015) attempts to describe how a bicultural bilingual can take on different meanings.  He highlights the plethora of research dedicated to bilingualism and how the topic of biculturalism is, at times, less explored. A simple internet search of bilingualism will yield countless articles on the relationship of bilingualism and cognition, education, and the various types of bilingualism. Grosjean proposes that this difference is to the distinct nature of how each is studied and how those researchers tend not to overlap in their work; in essence, linguists study bilingualism and biculturalism is studied by social psychologists. Grosjean highlights that one can not only be bilingual and bicultural, they can also be bicultural and monolingual or monocultural and bilingual, and monolingual and monocultural.

 

Grosjean explored the various ways in which one can become bilingual, learning a home language and later learning a host language at different points in life,  or bicultural, the byproduct of migration to another region.  Of interest is the individualist process by which a person identifies as bicultural, independent of their bilingual status, however, proficiency in an alternate language can impact how they view themselves.

 

Grosjean highlights an experiment conducted with bilinguals where participants were administered the TAT (Thematic Apperception Test) or sentence completion task. In each experiment, there were significant qualitative differences in the responses given in English and responses in their home or base language (French and Japanese).  For example, with a TAT stimulus card, a response in English highlighted a man going to college at night and having a supportive wife whereas the response in French indicated a man wanting to separate from his wife.  A similar pattern emerged with Japanese/English bilingual participants.

 

Another experiment mentioned in Grosjean’s article reveals parallel results several years later. A group of bilingual/bicultural Hispanic, Spanish speaking women were asked to interpret advertisements with women as the protagonist in English at one time and in Spanish some months later. Result revealed participants viewed the women in the advert as more independent and intelligent when interpreting in Spanish, whereas they viewed the women in the advert as adhering to more traditional roles when interpreting the ad in English.

 

Chen (2015) noted differences on some personality traits when assessing native English vs native Chinese speakers, specifically, native English speakers were “perceive to be higher on extraversion and openness to experience” (p. 5) when compared to native Chinese speakers.  Chen also explored if a bilingual individual behaves differently depending on whom they are speaking with.  Her work reveals that language, activated “normative traits of that culture and shifted bilinguals’ expression of personality” (p.5).

 

Studies, like the ones mentioned above, highlight the complex nature of the interplay that bilingualism and biculturalism can have on our personality development. This research highlights need for further exploration culture and language, not just specifically English/other language, but also the nuanced differences between how we each define culture within the context of bilingualism and vice versa.

 

References

Chen, S. X. (2015). Toward a social psychology of bilingualism and biculturalism. Asian Journal Of Social Psychology18(1), 1-11. doi:10.1111/ajsp.12088

 

Grosjean, F. (2015). Bicultural bilinguals. International Journal Of Bilingualism19(5), 572-586. doi:10.1177/1367006914526297

 

Jennifer Roman, M.A.
WKPIC Doctoral Intern

 

 

Friday Factoids Catch-Up: You Aren’t “One of Them”: Stories and Themes of People Who Felt Treatment Wasn’t Effective

Mental health treatment “failure” is a subject, which is overlooked by many. I have been approached by acquaintances who have asked some interesting, and at times difficult questions about mental health treatment. I listened to some of their stories, views, and opinions regarding their treatment experiences. They consider me a friend or family member more than a psychologist, so I feel that some of this more candid insight could be helpful.

 

The statement “you aren’t one of them,” meaning that I am not like the mental health providers with whom the person had interacted, has been said to me frequently at the beginning of one of these discussions.  My first thought was that I am not a treating psychologist during these conversations, so I am glad I am not “one of them” to my family and friends. However, there were other considerations when I thought about the “not one of them” statement. I began asking more questions about what “one of them” meant. Mental health treatment providers were then described to me in an adversarial manner. The individuals sharing their stories were essentially impoverished and residing in rural and critically underserved areas of the U.S. In the view of these service-seekers, clinicians were seen as “rich people” who could never understand what life was like for people who had fewer resources. Treatment providers were identified as holding such a high position that they had the ability to “remove all the rights a person has.”

 

Most of these folks, understandably, did not seek treatment until they were in a state of utter despair. They discussed feeling judged by the clinicians they saw. While my own experience is that treatment providers are non-judgmental, it was concerning that the perception of many of the people in most need, those seeking treatment in crisis in areas where services are marginally available, was the opposite. Many disclosed that they were not truthful with clinicians because they feared what the clinicians’ responses might be. Often times, people seeking psychotropic medications indicated that waiting lists were unbearably long, which in turn contributed to their perceptions that providers did not understand the suffering they experienced. Much of their perception of the mental health service system as adversarial seemed to be rooted in misunderstandings and miscommunication. Mental health treatment for those I spoke with was relegated for those who “hear and see things.”

 

As a clinician I feel there is sometimes a lack of time to develop a deep understanding of the patient for whom you want to provide care. It may be that in the precious time we have with a patient, our mannerisms, clothing, or signs of status like jewelry communicate the divide–immediately, at first sight. The person presenting for treatment in some areas of the country has been suffering for a long time, possibly left on a waiting list, and then they must face a person they think cannot relate to their suffering (or any suffering). While this may or may not be true, it is an important variable in how supported some rural, low-income service-seekers feel.  Those sharing their stories had a lack of education about many facets of mental health treatment, and more importantly, they were afraid to ask questions.

 

In my opinion, treatment providers could do more to be attuned to the challenges their patients face, and we could listen more closely to those who are telling us we failed to help them.

 

Rain Smith, MS
WKPIC Doctoral Intern

Living with Mental Wellness

I have a group about living with mental illness on Wednesdays, and as a group, we decided to rename it to “Living with Mental Wellness.”  One of the things we discussed was taking the power away from our mental illnesses.  In the beginning, before, during, and right after diagnosis, mental illness can hijack our very existence.  We are basically just existing.  It is a routine of doctors’ visits, runs to the pharmacy, therapy, victories, and failures…lots of failures.

 

Once the medicine is balanced and a person is satisfied with his or her doctor, what comes next?  A person has been going to therapy a while, the medicine seems to be working, and overall, he or she is doing much better.  There are only so many hours a person can watch television without falling back into depression.  What was once time spent struggling to be healthy, is now a bunch of empty time, and the individual has no idea what to do, except isolate.

 

There comes a time, however, when it is possible to find that one thing that releases us.  To one man in the group, it was his grandson.  After his grandson was born, he found he had a reason to work harder toward making healthy choices.  Others in the group didn’t share exactly what their one thing was.  Maybe they didn’t have one yet.   It doesn’t have to be a person.  It doesn’t have to be a job.  It can be a pet.  It can be volunteering for a non-profit organization.  It could just be something like singing in the church choir.  If a person living with a mental illness can find something to fill all the square footage in their lives that the mental illness used to rent space in, changes can happen.

 

Rebecca Coursey, KPS
Peer Support Specialist

 

 

Friday Factoids: Islamophobia

At the beginning of the 1990s, the term Islamophobia emerged for the first time in the United States and Great Britain. It is a term used to describe an intense fear, dislike or hate of Muslims. A wealth of misinformation actively promotes Islamophobia in America. Self-reported knowledge, whether accurate or not, about the religion of Islam seems to affect Americans’ feelings of prejudice toward Muslims. Researchers are beginning to explore the impact that Islamophobia can have on the mental and physical health of Muslim-Americans.

 

Muslims constitute approximately 23 percent of the world’s population and serve as a majority in approximately 50 countries. The population of Muslims in the U.S. has grown to more than 2.6 million. Many of them arrived in North America hoping to escape the discrimination and hate occurring in their country. It is important to be aware that Muslims can have various races and ethnicities, since Islam is a religion and not an ethnicity. For example, in America the three largest ethnic Muslim groups are Arab Americans, African Americans and South Asians.

 

Perceptions of the Muslim community have changed dramatically after 9/11. The expected reaction to any terrorism attack is to point the finger at Muslims. Even though less than 2 percent of all terrorist attacks over the past five years have been religiously motivated. An FBI report shows only 6 percent of all terrorism attacks in the U.S. between 1980 and 2005 were committed by Muslims. Research shows that the U.S. identified more than 160 Muslim-American terrorist suspects in the decade since 9/11. That is just a percentage of the thousands of acts of violence that occur in the United States each year. According to the Muslim Public Affairs Counsel, since 9/11, the Muslim-American community has helped security and law enforcement officials prevent nearly two of every five al Qaeda terrorist plots threatening the United States. It is from government prosecution and media coverage that brings Muslim-American terrorism suspects to the national spotlight. As a consequence, many Muslims feel vulnerable.

 

Few studies on Muslim health exist. Most studies identified that daily, repetitive harassment is the biggest factor contributing to long-term mental health issues in Muslim populations. In a 2011 study on Muslim-Americans, researchers found that the vast majority of participants said they felt extremely safe prior to 9/11. Following the attack, 82 percent of them felt extremely unsafe. The researchers later found many of those studied developed Post Traumatic Stress Disorder from constant anxiety and abuse. Mental illness is often stigmatized in Muslim culture. Research by Allen and Nielsen (2002), indicated that one of the best predictors of becoming a victim of discrimination or harassment was being perceived as a Muslim. Having an Arab appearance or wearing specific garments such as a hijab was most closely associated with such incidents.

 

Many Muslims choose prayer or private coping before they seek professional help. Physical or mental illness may be seen as an opportunity to remedy disconnection from Allah or a lack of faith through regular prayer and a sense of self-responsibility (Padella et al., 2012). Imams (traditional spiritual leaders) are often seen as indirect agents of Allah’s will and facilitators of the healing process. Imams may also play central roles in shaping family and community attitudes and responses to illness guidelines, or birth customs (Padella et al., 2012). Many American physicians are not well versed on Muslim culture, including health-related traditions and beliefs like long fasts or end-of-life care. This may discourage many Muslims from seeking treatment.

 

In 2007 the Muslim Council of Britain issued the following statement: “Muslims everywhere consider all acts of terrorism that aim to murder and maim innocent human beings utterly reprehensible and abhorrent. There is no theological basis whatsoever for such acts in our faith. The very meaning of the word ‘Islam’ is peace. It rejects terror and promotes peace and harmony.”

 

 

References:

 

Abdullah, T., & Brown, T. L. (2011). Mental illness stigma and ethnocultural beliefs, values, and norms: An integrative review. Clinical Psychology Review, 31, 934-948.

 

Abu-Ras, W. & Abu-Bader, S. H. (2008). The Impact of the September 11, 2001 Attacks on the well-being of Arab Americans in New York City. Journal of Muslim Mental Health, 3, 217-239.

 

Ali, O. M., Milstein, G., & Marzuk, P. M. (2005). The imam’s role in meeting the counseling needs of Muslim communities in the United States. Psychiatric Services, 56, 2-5.

 

Allen, C., & Nielsen, J. S. (2002). Summary report on Islamaphobia in the EU after 11

September 2001. Vienna: European Monitoring Center on Racism and Xenophobia.

 

Muslim Public Affairs Counsel. (2013). A tracking of plots by Muslim and non-Muslim violent extremists against the United States. Retrieved from: http://www.mpac.org/publications/policy-papers/post-911-terrorism-database.php

 

Padela, A. I., Killawi, A., Forman, J., DeMonner, S., & Heisler, M. (2012). American Muslim perceptions of healing key agents in healing, and their roles. Qualitative Health Research, 22, 846-858.

 

 

Jonathan Torres, M.S.
WKPIC Doctoral Intern

 

Friday Factoid- Rising Mortality Rates for Middle-Aged White Americans

Case and Deaton (2015), both economists from Princeton, found that mortality rates for middle-aged white Americans have risen since 1999. In contrast, the death rate for middle-aged blacks and Hispanics continued to decline during the same period, as did death rates for younger and older people of all races and ethnic groups. They analyzed health and mortality data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and other sources.

 

First, the authors ruled out an increase in deaths from chronic diseases such as heart disease, cancer, and diabetes. Those numbers were all either stable or trending downward. Murder and accidents were also declining. The authors concluded the rising annual death rates among this group are being driven by an epidemic of suicides. Most of the drug-related deaths in America are now caused by prescription medicines, and nearly three-quarters of those deaths are from opioid painkillers. Reliance on opioid painkillers is an epidemic that started in the late 1990s. Chronic liver diseases related to drug and alcohol use in this group were also on the rise.

 

Studies have found white patients with pain are more likely to be prescribed opioid painkillers. And whites have been more likely to attempt suicide when faced with physical or mental hardships. The New York Times reported 90 percent of people who tried heroin in the last decade were white. Drug addiction in black communities ultimately resulted in mass incarceration, while heroin and prescription drug abuse has been met with a more sympathetic approach, possibly because its victims are white. The only other time that death rates increased among middle-aged whites in the last century was in the 1960s because of smoking-related diseases. There was also a spike in mortality among younger adults in the 1980s during the AIDS epidemic.

 

One possible factor behind the substance abuse is this demographic group has faced a rise in economic insecurity over the past decade, driven by things like the financial crisis and the collapse of manufacturing. Education is also a factor. The effect was largely confined to people with a high school education or less. In that group, death rates rose by 22 percent while they actually fell for those with a college education. Mortality among the middle-aged population plummeted in the six other countries that the authors examined: Australia, Canada, France, Germany, United Kingdom, and Sweden. Although these countries also had economic problems in recent years, its residents might have been less affected because they have more social safety nets in terms of unemployment benefits and health care.

 

References:

 

Case, A. & Deaton, A. (2015) Rising morbidity and mortality in midlife among non-Hispanic Americans in the 21st century. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. Retrieved from http://www.pnas.org/content/early/2015/10/29/1518393112.full.pdf

 

Gold, A. (2015, November 4). Why is death rate rising for white, middle-aged Americans? BBC News, Washington. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-34714842

 

Kolata, G. (2015, November 2). Death Rates Rising for Middle-Aged White Americans, Study Finds. The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/03/health/death-rates-rising-for-middle-aged-white-americans-study-finds.html

 

Storrs, C. (2015, November 4). Death rate on the rise for middle-aged white Americans. Retrieved from http://www.cnn.com/2015/11/03/health/death-rate-middle-age-white-americans/

 

 

Jonathan Torres, M.S.

WKPIC Doctoral Intern